Saturday, January 15, 2005

Sail To The Moon -Radiohead

I sucked the moon
I spoke too soon
And how much did it cost?
I was dropped from
Moonbeams
And sailed on shooting stars
Maybe you'll
Be president
But know right from wrong
Or in the flood
You'll build an Ark
And sail us to the moon
Sail us to the moon
Sail us to the moon
Sail us to the moon

Dedicated to W.

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Wednesday, January 05, 2005

Movies


Title: The Trials of Henry Kissinger
Genre: Documentary
Director: Eugene Jarecki
Cast: Brian Cox (Narrator) and others
Runtime: 80 min

Narrated by actor Brian Cox, this documentary's position is unequivocal - that Dr Henry Kissinger, the former National Security Adviser and Secretary of State under Nixon and Ford, should be brought to trial at an international tribunal for war crimes. Kissinger is the quintessential realist who sees world politics as a power play between the superpowers, or dare I mention it, the balance of power that his admired Metternich and Bismarck shaped for old world Europe. Trials gives its viewers a rudimentary knowledge of Kissinger's beginnings and his ascendancy after his fortuitous escape from Nazi Germany. At its core Trials is an interesting documentary attempting to uncover a dossier of incriminating evidence against Kissinger - it is based on a book by Christopher Hitchens titled The Trial of Henry Kissinger. The entire movie is interlaced with interviews with former Administration officials and an unkempt Hitchens as he inveighs against Kissinger.

Of course the legacy of this celebrated diplomat is one of lustre. Still widely respected, with a series of bestselling memoirs and books, Kissinger is credited for his hardnosed realism that led to the detente with the-then Soviet Union and Communist China, capitalizing on the Sino-Russian split in the 1970s to further the American cause. Trials raises some startling accusations at Kissinger.

1. Kissinger would grab power at all costs. He sabotaged the peace talks between the US and North Vietnam during the end of Johnson's tenure so he could join the administration of the winner of the 1968 elections. He initially worked for Nelson Rockefeller, the Republican presidential candidate, but after Nixon got the Republican nomination, he jumped ship. This is not so much an accusation but a testament of the ruthless streak that Kissinger possessed in his thirst for power. However, the case against Kissinger hinges on whether the peace talks would have succeeded in ending the Vietnam war.

2. The expansion of hostilities through the bombing of Vietcong supply depots in Cambodia during the Vietnam war was the brainchild of Kissinger. The bombing raids killed 500,000 Cambodians, destroyed the country's agricultural sector, and precipitated the takeover of Cambodia by the Khmer Rouge in 1975. In William Shawcross' (author of Sideshow) words: the bombings created the conditions, in fact the only conditions suitable for the Khmer Rouge's rise in Cambodia. The Khmer Rouge went on to commit genocide on their own people, killing millions more Cambodians. The accusations here are twofold - First, the bombings on Cambodia were a declaration of war on Cambodia and required the approval of Congress. Nixon and Kissinger did not inform Congress, much less attain Congressional support for the euphemistically named "incursions". Second, the more tenuous accusation that the US, through its bombings, actually created conditions suitable for genocide under the Khmer Rouge.

3. Kissinger acquiesced in Indonesia's annexation of East Timor using American made arms. Kissinger did not want to lose an important ally in the Cold War and allowed American arms sales that were meant only for defensive purposes to be sold to Indonesia as they annexed East Timor, causing 100,000 civilian deaths.

4. When the Communist-supporting Allende won free elections in Chile, Kissinger wanted him removed from power. The CIA had planted spies into the Chilean military and there were elements within the military that supported a coup de tat. One General Schneider believed that the constitution bestowed upon Allende the power to rule the country in democratic elections. He was an obstacle to the coup. He was brutally assassinated by agents using American weapons shipped secretly from Washington. Soon after, Pinochet displaced Allende and became the head of state, setting of a 17 year cycle of terror and genocide in Chile.

The son of General Schneider actually commenced legal proceedings against Kissinger on September 11, 2001, but this was overshadowed by the terrorist attacks in New York.

Kissinger's brand of diplomacy is a throwback to a bygone era of clandestine meetings, secret diplomacy that would not be able to survive the relentless thirst for information and the need for accountability in a post-Vietnam, post-Watergate America. Rumours abound that Kissinger does not dare to travel to certain European capitals for fear of being arrested for crimes against humanity.


However, one must note the heightened sense of danger and suspicion the US as a whole felt during the Cold War. The proxy wars of Korea in 1950 and the nightmare of Vietnam controlled the collective American psyche and any means were used to justify the ends of checking Soviet expansionism, bridging the "missile gap", preventing the "dominoes from falling in South East Asia" across presidents and administrations. The Bay of Pigs fiasco under Kennedy, the countless attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro, the Iran-Contra crisis - the illegal acts committed by presidents and administrations blindsided by perceived superpower rivalry are numerous.

Second, the responsibility of America's hostile actions must ultimately rest with the president himself since he is the Commander-In-Chief. Kissinger obviously had tremendous control on the levers of power and had the confidence of the presidents he served under, but he is at best a powerful servant. Unless it can be proven that Kissinger took decisions unilaterally and allowed actions without presidential knowledge, responsibility for US actions should lie with the relevant president.

Thirdly, the convoluted issue of international law and universal jurisdiction is hardly resolved. The US has declined to join the International Criminal Court for fear that its troops might be hauled up to court for crimes against humanity when undertaking American missions. This lends credence to the opinion that weak states rely on international law as it is an equalizer of power, while strong states largely rely on power. The US would not want its power unhinged and checked by the rules of court. The US invasion of Iraq in 2003 is clearly illegal, but nothing can be done since the US is the world's sole superpower. Power, in the system of states, usually takes precedence over law. Kissinger himself, perhaps mindful of the ramifications on himself as the movie implies, is against universal jurisdiction. He maintains the the municipal law rules governing man in society cannot be applied to states as world leaders sometimes have to choose between "evil and evil". What constitutes illegality is defined by the victors. During WWII, the bombing of London was seen as a shocking war crime by Germany. But the absolute destruction of Dresden or the firebombing of Japanese cities did not constitute a war crime.

Trials raises more issues than it answers. Though Kissinger might have authorised illegal actions, America would not allow its former presidents or leaders to stand trial on foreign soil to face an international tribunal of war crimes. Pinochet and Milosevic were indicted for war crimes, but they were but leaders of Chile and Yugoslavia. No one would countenance putting ex-Americna presidents to trial. Powerful states can be less accountable in the chaotic international system. Muncipal law ensures a modicum of civility and order in society. In the anarchical society, the powerful and the winners write the script of History.

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